These disorders and their diagnostic patterns are crucial to critically analyze, as estimates of diagnosably low sexual desire in premenopausal women

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currently range from around 10% to more than 25% of the population, and women receive the vast majority of low desire diagnoses.

Desire Starts in the Brain...

Take, for example, the new gender-specific sexual desire disorders in clinical psychology literature, and their corresponding gendered models of desire and sexual response. In the newest Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5, blue sex pills 2013)—what is generally understood to be the contemporary psychiatrist’s “bible”—the diagnosis of “Female Sexual Interest/Arousal Disorder” (FSIAD) includes lack of sexual receptivity[3] as a core component of sexual dysfunction—and is diagnosed in women only. This new female-specific diagnosis did away with the older gender-neutral “Hypoactive Sexual Desire Disorder” or HSDD; before the publication of the DSM-5, HSDD was the diagnosis that both low-desiring men and low-desiring women received. Now, for the first time in the history of the Manual, the diagnoses are gender-differentiated, with low-desiring women receiving the diagnosis of FSIAD, including its “lack of receptivity [to a partner]” criterion, and men receiving the much simpler and more stream-lined diagnosis of regular old HSDD (now “Male Hypoactive Sexual Desire Disorder” or MHSDD). Five versions of the Diagnositc and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (the DSM) are shown, with the most recent of them, the DSM-5, in the foreground. Does this all sound very, very complicated?

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Well, that’s because it is—perhaps intentionally so, as a purported reflection of the complicated nature of female sexuality.

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The FSIAD diagnostic framework, including claims regarding neurobiologically hardwired feminine responsiveness, receptivity,

IN THEIR WORDS

A David and Goliath battle to win FDA approval for a drug that boosts a woman’s sexual desire, much as Viagra helps men overcome erectile dysfunction, is captured in the trailer for Aisling Chin-Yee’s documentary The Pink Pill: Sex, Drugs & Who Has Control, which dropped on Thursday. “How do you take on the government for women’s sexual pleasure? You lean right into it and say, ‘This is the conversation we’re going to have,’” says Cindy Eckert, whose Sprout Pharmaceuticals fought a campaign to bring to market Addyi, dubbed “female Viagra” by the media, at one point in the teaser. For her efforts, Eckert faced regulatory roadblocks, sex medicine restrictions and public attacks. The Pink Pill, produced by Julie Bristow of Catalyst and Abby Greensfelder of Everywoman Studios, will have a world premiere at DOC NYC on Nov.

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15. Before that, Sphere Abacus, handling global sales, will shop the film to U.S. and other international buyers at MIPCOM next week. And Paramount+ will release the documentary in Canada in early 2026. Eckert’s ultimate victory in securing regulatory approval for Addyi underpins the documentary’s revelations about gender bias at the FDA as a drug that claimed to improve female pleasure was dismissed as trivial or even dangerous. flexibility, and complexity is based on an “alternative sexual response model” for women.

The Big Pink Fight for the Little Pink Pill

Is it a problem that part of the technical diagnostic criteria involve how receptive a woman is to her partner’s advances? Why does the treatment for this target women’s minds (their desire), when men’s treatments for sexual dysfunction target their physical performance? Since the unprecedented success of Viagra[1] in the late 1990s, pharmaceutical companies in the United States and abroad have been on a tortuous search to corner the market in a drug to treat women’s sexual dysfunction. A variety of methods have been dreamed up, tested in clinical trials, and evaluated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)—including a testosterone patch, a hormonal nasal spray, and what will now certainly go down in history as the most successful—an ingestable oral tablet[2].

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The image shows a small pink-peach colored pill laying on top of a brochure for Sprout Pharmaceuticals. Some have called this pill, prescribed to enhance women’s sexual desire, the “pink” or “female” Viagra—but, thoughtful citizens and potential consumers might ask: how similar are the two drugs, in terms of chemical make-up, design, and prescribed treatment regimen? Upon comparing the two medications, it becomes clear that they are in fact far from equivalent (or even similar). In addition to contrasting the mechanisms of the two drugs, it might be equally important to examine the assumptions being made about men’s and women’s sexuality as these drugs are produced and consumed, or the theories of sexuality and sexual difference being administered to patients alongside the drugs themselves. In order to uncover these hidden theories of sexual difference, I take a look at how men’s and women’s sexualities are configured within contemporary—and more antiquated—medical and scientific discourses. This new model originally emerged in clinical psychology in the late 1990s, and maintains the idea that women are more sexually complex (confusing?

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Through a brief exploratory comparison, one thing becomes evident—women have consistently been framed as very different from men, sexually, and this has undoubtedly impacted our experience of our own sexual self-determination, agency, desire, and pleasure. And, perhaps more surprisingly, regardless of what drugs are now available, this pattern continues in the present day. It seems that as much as medicine and science have changed since the 18th century, many characterizations of masculinity and femininity have remained the same. With the inception of modern medicine in the Victorian Era, sex became an object of scientific study. And from the earliest sexology texts onward, gender differences have been assumed and discursively reproduced.

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In early medical textbooks, women were depicted as sexually deviant—the vagina was thought to be an “inverted” penis, and women were framed as inferior, sometimes as constitutionally asexual, or, at the very least, as innately lower in sexual desire than men. Female sexuality was also characterized as complex, complicated, wayward, and peculiar—nothing like the straightforward, potent, goal-oriented, and virile sexuality of men. These ideas about men’s and women’s sexualities have persisted in a variety of guises through many different psychological and psychiatric paradigms—from sexology, to psychoanalysis, to our current biopsychiatric and neuroscience-based explanations and treatments. Within contemporary sexual medicine and studies of pathology, men are perceived as disproportionately likely to suffer from physiological ailments such as erectile disorder, whereas women are understood as more likely to suffer from psychological blocks to optimal sexual enjoyment. And in our current quick-fix climate, these perceived differences in sexuality translate into drastically different framings and treatments of sexual dysfunction for men and for women, with gender-differentiated consequences for sexual health, attitudes, and relationships—among both “dysfunctional” and “healthy” populations. The model is applied to women only, as a so-called “woman-centric” “corrective” to the Human Sexual Response Cycle, or HSRC, originally instituted in 1966 by Masters and Johnson.

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“I am thankful for the trust that I was given by the people I spoke to in the making of this film, and proud to spotlight those who challenge the inequity and systemic bias against women’s and marginalized bodies’ needs, especially in something as fundamental as sexual health,” Chin-Yee said in a statement as she hopes her film sparks a wider conversation about a more equitable healthcare system. The film is executive produced by Bristow, Greensfelder, Chin-Yee, Vibika Bianchi and Knix founder and president Joanna Griffiths, a backer of Docs for Change, a collaboration between Catalyst, the Toronto-based studio, and Knix Fund, the charity arm of the Knix brand. Sign up for THR news straight to your inbox every day This long-form scholarly blog entry is authored by Dr. Alyson K. Spurgas, Assistant Professor of Sociology at SIUE.

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Dr. Spurgas regularly teaches courses in the Women’s Studies minor including Gender & Society. Her research expertise lies primarily in medical sociology, which uses sociological analysis to examine medical organizations and institutions including the production of knowledge within medicine, the actions and interactions of healthcare professionals, and the social or cultural effects of medical practice. In this blog entry, Dr. Spurgas reflects on how medicine interacts with sexuality and gender norms by focusing on the notion of a “female Viagra.” What ideas about sexuality, she asks, do we reinforce by how ed medications we both diagnose and treat “low female desire”? The HSRC, a linear model of sexual response, posits that orgasm invariably results from sexual stimulation—or that it ought to, in sexually healthy or “normal” individuals. It has been the primary medical model of sexual response for both sexes since its inception, but the validity of the HSRC has recently been challenged by

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But as long as 20 years ago, Boston’s Dr. Fuller Albright pointed out that a high level of estrogens in the first two-thirds of the cycle would prevent ovulation. To him, this indicated a practicable method of contraception. The pills now approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for marketing by Mead Johnson & Co.

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rely on the Albright proposal. Called “sequential therapy,” the new system uses 21 pills neatly stacked in a tube—16 white on top and five pink at the bottom. Working down the tube, a woman takes the first white pill (an estrogen) five days after beginning menstruation, and carries on with the white pills on a one-a-day schedule until they are finished. Then she takes the pink pills (a progestin) daily for five days. By thus imitating nature, say Mead Johnson and its medical investigators, the new pills provide almost 100% protection against conception, and they have almost no side effects. some psychologists who state that it does not accurately fit “the female experience of sex.” While a revision to the linear HSRC may indeed be timely (for everyone!

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